Think Long Committee “Unlikely to Produce Reforms that Challenge the Political Status Quo”

David Kersten and his team have put out an assessment of the personnel and objectives of the Think Long Committee, the California reform group set up by the “homeless billionaire,” Nicolas Berggruen. Kersten’s conclusion: the Think Long Committee is in too much of a hurry to rush to the ballot and is therefore unlikely to develop or achieve the comprehensive political and governance reform the state needs.

 

It really is budget Doomsday in California

Let’s take as a given that the chances of passing a reasonable California state budget—one that puts the state on a path to long-term solvency while protecting the most essential public services—range from improbable to zero. Still, even against those long odds, wouldn’t it help things along if Dan Walters could be bothered to give his readers more facts and less snark? 

In his Dec. 15, 2010 column, “Brown’s doomsday strategy very risky,” Walters chides California’s old-new governor Jerry Brown for suggesting that the huge gap between expected revenues and baseline spending will force unpleasant cuts in schools. That gap amounts to more than $20 billion in the coming year, equivalent to nearly one-quarter of the annual general fund budget. Walters implies that Brown is pursuing the state equivalent of a “Washington Monument strategy.” That’s when bureaucrats defend their budgets by arguing that any cut will to force them to wipe out their most publicly visible activity. 

“No politician ever threatens to cut welfare grants, health services for the poor or other programs that don’t affect middle-class voters,” Walters writes; “instead, voters are told that their personal safety and/or their children’s futures would be at risk.” 

The only trouble is, all of this is either untrue or misleading. 

It doesn’t take much of a memory, or more than a couple of seconds on a search engine, to recall that some guy named Arnold Schwarzenegger threatened to not only cut welfare grants, but also eliminate them altogether. 

“California no longer has low-hanging fruits,” Schwarzenegger said way back in May. “As a matter of fact, we don’t have any medium-hanging fruits. We also don’t have any high-hanging fruits. We literally have to take the ladder away from the tree and shake the whole tree.” How soon we—or at least some of us—forget. 

What’s true for welfare grants applies to health services for the poor. Politicians like Schwarzenegger have not only threatened to cut them; they’ve actually carried out the threats, reducing benefits in recent budgets. 

But it’s also misleading in the extreme to imply that cuts to health services don’t affect middle-class voters. About two-thirds of Medi-Cal dollars go to care for the elderly and disabled. Without Medi-Cal, the cost of their care would otherwise fall on their middle-class families. And every one of those Medi-Cal dollars is income to someone in the health industry—a doctor, nurse, lab tech, hospital administrator, nursing home operator. Those jobs account for around one-sixth of the state’s output. They also form the backbone of the middle class. California voters, who routinely tell pollsters that they want to protect health services, seem to understand this better than Walters. 

And finally, there’s Walters’ false implication that telling voters that schools are at risk is only some political game or gambit. 

As the Legislative Analyst recently reported, even if the state had enough revenue in the upcoming year to fully fund schools at the Prop 98 minimum guarantee, “the minimum guarantee would fall $5.2 billion short of fully funding baseline K-14 costs in 2011-12.” In other words, California is looking next year at a roughly 10 percent reduction in school funding, on the natural. This is on top of the recent cuts that have forced teacher layoffs, shorter school years, and bigger classes. And it’s before anyone in the state Capitol asks schools to share in the pain of closing the budget deficit. 

So say what you will about Jerry Brown, he’s not pulling anybody’s leg here. If this is not yet budget Doomsday in California, Doomsday is within sight. 

Is it politically risky to deliver that news? Probably. But somebody has to. We’re apparently not going to get the news from Dan Walters.

The missing voters

In a new column appearing in the Appeal Democrat, Thomas D. Elias takes me to task for suggesting, on this blog and at speaking events around the state, that the low turnout at the mega-millions June primary election was a signal of voter discontent with California’s broken government and politics. “'Voters have given up on believing in democracy under California’s current electoral system,’ moaned Mark Paul,” he quotes me as saying. It just isn’t so, Elias contends.

Sorry, Tom, but you couldn’t be more wrong. The only thing that makes me moan is people who hold themselves out as journalists and pundits but who can’t be bothered to check the facts.

Anyone with a whit of curiosity, five minutes of time, and an Internet connection could find the data in the chart below, which I drew from the official figures available on the California Secretary of State’s website.

turnout.png

It’s hard to see how any fair-minded person looking at the trend of voter turnout in gubernatorial years can conclude that the voter indifference in the June primary was an aberration, the result of having a contest only in the Republican race for governor. Voter turnout in the non-presidential years when California elects its governor and other statewide constitutional officers has plummeted over the last half century—by around 40 percent in primaries and about 30 percent in general elections. Although there has been some drop in voter participation in presidential elections, reflecting the new partisan reality that California hasn’t been in play in the last four national elections, the decline is not nearly as sharp and turnout has been been nearly level for the last three decades.

Yes, more people will cast votes in the November 2 general election because more people always vote in the general election than in the primary. But as Joe Mathews and I have been hearing dozens of times as we travel the state to talk about California Crackup, voters are appalled by the empty rhetoric and stale clichés of campaign-speak. They are disgusted by a deadlocked system of government that seems incapable of working. The governor’s race “has also been a disappointment: feeding their cynicism, taxing their patience — they long ago tuned out the incessant advertising — and instilling little faith that either candidate can deal with the state’s paralyzing dysfunction,” as Mark Barabak reports in the Los Angeles Times.

Elias believes “there’s every reason to vote this fall.” The voters we talk to, and those Barabak interviewed, know better. This has been the perfect Seinfeld campaign: the election about nothing. Here’s betting that once again, the number of eligible California voters who stay home will carry the day over those who go to the polls—a fact that’s not likely to change until we make the state governable again.

The Legislature is Polarized Because We Are

It's an article of faith with California's reformers that small tweaks in the political system can quell the extremes of a polarized legislature and thereby bring it more in line with the virtuous moderation of the bulk of California voters. It's the faith that has given us, in recent elections, the independent redistricting commission and the jungle primary. And it's a faith based, as political scientist Alan I. Abramowitz pointed out again the other day, on a mirage.

As we write in California Crackup, "The trouble with much of the reform conversation is that it misses how much the underlying political landscape has changed." Over the past three decades Californians have been busy swinging their partisan identities more in line with their ideological preferences and sorting themselves geographically into communities of the like-minded.

Abramowitz illustrates the result in the graph above, which depicts the changing ideological views of Democrats and Republicans. "The most important source of polarization in California politics," he writes, "is the ideological divide between supporters of the two major parties." California has a polarized legislature because lawmakers accurately represent California's polarized electorate.

Crafting small-bore reforms based on a fantasy about the electorate you wished you had is a fool's errand. That's why, in California Crackup, we make the case for a system overhaul. Yes, it's hard to do. But unlike the goo-goo fantasies, it might actually work.